Online Material: Notes


China Story Yearbook 2012

Red Rising, Red Eclipse



Introduction: Red Rising, pp.ii-xvii

Pages iii-iv, The Beijing Olympics and 2008, see Kate Merkel-Hess, Kenneth L. Pomeranz and Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom, eds, China in 2008: A Year of Great Significance, Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2009; Geremie R. Barmé, ‘China’s Flat Earth: History and 8th August 2008′, The China Quarterly, vol.197 (2009): 64-86; William A. Callahan, China: The Pessoptimist Nation, New York, Oxford University Press, 2009.

Pages v-vii, Tour of the South, for an exhaustive account of Deng Xiaoping’s critically important 1992 Tour of the South and a reconstruction of the ideological debates in post-1989 China that it silenced, see Ezra F. Vogel, Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China, Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press, 2011, pp.664-690.

Pages viii-x, Red Boomers/Revolutionary Successors, the Beijing correspondent for Sydney Morning Herald, John Garnaut, has been tireless in his reporting on the well-connected and powerful progeny of the Party, also known as ‘princelings’ (taizi dang 太子党). See, for example, ‘The Princelings’, Sydney Morning Herald, 2 October 2010 at:; and ‘A Family Affair’, Foreign Policy, 30 May 2012, at:; for a 2004 list of princelings in Chinese, see ‘Zhongguo taizidang mingdan ji renzhi yi lan biao’ 中共太子党名单及任职一览表, at:

Pages x-xi, for Wen Jiabao’s comments, see Reuters, ‘China Premier Wen Jiabao’s comments at NPC press conference’, at:; and for the Party decision on the Cultural Revolution (among other things), see its ‘Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of our Party Since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China (Adopted by the Sixth Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on 27 June 1981)’, available online at: See also Francis Fukuyama, ‘China Has Banished Bo But Not the “Bad Emperor” Problem’, Financial Times, 10 May 2012, at:; and, Robert Foyle Hunwick, ‘Utopia website shutdown: Interview with Fan Jinggang’, 14 April 2012 on Danwei, online at: See also:

Pages xiii-xiv, The China Story, for more on The China Story, see the rest of the website:; see also Paul Cohen, Speaking to History: The Story of King Goujian in Twentieth-Century China, Berkeley (CA), University of California Press; Q. Edward Wang, Inventing China Through History: The May Fourth Approach to Historiography, New York, State University of New York, 2001; as well as Geremie R. Barmé, review of Cohen’s Speaking to History in Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, vol.71 no.2 (2011): 351-364 (PDF available in the New Sinology section of The China Story site).

Page xiv, Kevin Rudd’s Morrison Lecture, for a downloadable text of Prime Minister Kevin Rudd’s Morrison Lecture at The Australian National University, ‘Australia and China in the World’, 23 April 2010, go to: For the lecture on YouTube, go to:

Page xv, for more on George E. Morrison (莫理循, or ‘Chinese Morrison’, 1862-1920), see C.P. FitzGerald, ‘An Appreciation’, online at:; Cyril Pearl, Morrison of Beijing, Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1967; and, Peter Thompson and Robert Macklin, The Man who Died Twice: the Life and Adventures of Morrison of Peking, Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 2004. On the George E. Morrison Lectures on Ethnology, see:


Chapter 1: China’s Foreign Policy Aggressiveness, pp. 1-24

Page 1, on China’s ‘soft power’ see for example, Paul Dibb, ‘The Future Balance of Power in East Asia: What are the Geopolitical Risks?’, Strategic and Defence Studies Centre Working Paper No.406, ANU Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Canberra, 2008, p.2; and Joshua Kurlantzick, Charm Offensive: how China’s soft power is transforming the world, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007. On China’s ‘assertive turn’, see Aaron L Friedberg, A Contest for Supremacy: China, America, and the Struggle for Mastery in Asia, New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 2010; Denny Roy, ‘Hegemon on the Horizon?: China’s Threat to East Asian Security’, International Security, vol.19, no.1 (1994): 149-168; and, Richard Bernstein and Ross H Munro, The Coming Conflict with China, New York: Vintage Books, 1998.

Page 5, on the ‘G2” arrangement see, for example, Zbigniew Brzezinski, ‘The Group of Two that Could Change the World’, Financial Times, 13 January, 2009; and Elizabeth C Economy and Adam Segal, ‘The G-2 Mirage’, Foreign Affairs, vol.88, issue 3 (2009): 14-23, 2009.

Page 6, on the US-Taiwan relationship, see David E Sanger, ‘U.S. Would Defend Taiwan, Bush Says’, The New York Times, 26 April 2001; and Bonnie Glaser and David Szerlip ‘U.S.-China Relations: The Honeymoon Ends’, Comparative Connections: Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations, vol.12, no.1 (2010), on China’s reaction to President Barack Obama’s meeting with the Dalai Lama.

Page 7 Martin Fackler and Ian Johnson, ‘Arrest in Disputed Seas Riles China and Japan’, The New York Times, 20 September 2010.

Page 8, for further reading, see Benjamin Schreer and Brendan Taylor, ‘The Korean Crises and Sino-American Rivalry’, Survival, vol.53, no.1, (2011): 13-19.

Page 9, on China’s reaction to ‘internationalising’ the issue, see Sarah Raine ‘Beijing’s South China Sea Debate’, Survival, vol.53, no.3 (2011): 69-88; and, Jeremy Page, ‘Wen Discusses South China Sea Issue’, The Wall Street Journal Asia, 21 November, 2011.

Page 10, on rising powers see John J. Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, New York: W.W. Norton, 2001, p.2. For a rare opposing view to the cost to the US, see Joseph S. Nye, ‘American and Chinese Power after the Financial Crisis’, The Washington Quarterly, vol.33, issue 4 (2010): 143-153. On China’s ‘push back’, see Yao Shujie, ‘Love-hate Affair Must Not Boil Over’, China Daily, 22 February 2010.

Page 11, Thomas J. Christensen, ‘The Advantages of an Assertive China: Responding to Beijing’s Abrasive Diplomacy’, Foreign Affairs, vol.90, no.2 (2011): 60; and Carlyle A. Thayer, ‘Vietnam’s Defensive Diplomacy’, The Wall Street Journal Asia, 20 August 2010.

Page 12, on potential ties between Washington and New Delhi see, for example, Dan Twining, ‘America’s Grand Design in Asia’, The Washington Quarterly, vol.30, no.3 (2007): 79-94; on India and China see ‘Assertive India Takes on China, US in Global Game’, Hindustan Times, 19 November 2011; and, on China and Seoul, see Scott Snyder, ‘A Fragile China-ROK Strategic Partnership’, Comparative Connections: A Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations, vol.13, no.2 (2011).

Page 13, Robert D Kaplan, ‘The South China Sea is the Future of Conflict’, Foreign Policy, Issue 188 (2011): 84; and, Brad Glosserman, ‘The Australian Canary’, PacNet, no.67, 21 November, 2011.

Page 14, Geoff Raby is cited in ‘Master of Ping Pong Diplomacy’, The Economist, 14 December 2011. On Beijing’s reaction to these issues, see Philip Dorling and Richard Baker, ‘China’s Fury at Defence Paper’, The Age, 10 December 2010;
Rowan Callick and Michael Sainsbury, ‘Uighur Rebiya Kadeer Gets Visa Despite China Protest’, The Australian, 31 July 2009; Andrew Burrell, ‘Business Unfazed by Chinese Threat of Economic Leverage’, The Australian, 19 November 2011.
Michael Sainsbury, ‘China Seeks Answers on Darwin Marine Posting’, The Australian, 9 December 2011.

Page 15, on the ‘Concert of Asia’, see Hugh White, Power Shift: Australia’s Future between Washington and Beijing, Quarterly Essay, Issue 39, Collingwood: Black, Inc., 2010; and for reactions to White’s essay, see Greg Sheridan, ‘Distorted Vision of US-China Relations’, The Australian, 11 September 2010; John Lee, ‘Don’t rush to back Beijing over Delhi’, The Australian, 13 September 2010; Paul Dibb, ‘Knocking on Nobody’s Door’, The Australian, 18 July 2011; John Lee, ‘Rising China has Limited Influence’, The Australian, 12 October 2011; Stephan Fruehling and Benjamin Schreer, ‘Hugh White and the “Hyperpuissance”’, The Interpreter, 15 September 2010.

Page 16, see Ross Babbage, Australia’s Strategic Edge in 2030, Kokoda Paper, no.15, 2011; and Paul Dibb, ‘Knocking on Nobody’s Door’, The Australian, 18 July 2011.

Page 18, for Australian perspectives on these issues see, Christian Kerr, ‘Survey says it’s all the way with the USA, but China may eventually win the day’, The Australian, 17 December 2011; Hugh White, ‘America and China: strategic choices in the Asian Century’, East Asia Forum, 19 February 2012; Greg Sheridan, ‘Distorted Vision of US-China Relations’, 2010; and, Gareth Evans, ‘Australia’s Asian Future’, Address to the Australian Club’s International Table, Melbourne, 16 September 2010.

Page 19, Babbage, Australia’s Strategic Edge in 2030, 2011, p.85.

Page 20, Scott Dewar, ‘Australia and China and the United States: Responding to changing great power dynamics’, Australian Centre on China in the World, 2011, available at:

Page 21, Graham T. Allison, Essence of Decision: explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis, Boston: Little Brown, 1971; and, CIW-CICIR (Australian Centre on China in the World-China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations) Australia and China, A Joint Report on the Bilateral Relationship, 2012, available at:

Page 22, on the Korean situation, see Bonnie Glaser and Brittany Billingsly, ‘US Pivot to Asia Leaves China Off Balance’, Comparative Connections, vol.13, no.3 (2012); and, on the South China Sea, see Carlyle A. Thayer, ‘Diplomatic Currents Running Strong in the South China Sea’, 4 April 2012.


Chapter 2: Symbolic Cities and the ‘Cake Debate’, pp.25-51

Page 28, the idea of the Chongqing Model and the Guangdong Model appeared widely in economic news; see for example ‘China’s Political Winds Shift’, The Sydney Morning Herald, 2 Sept. 2011, available at:, and ‘Models of Development: Chongqing rolls on’, The Economist, 28 Apr. 2012, available at; and, ‘Governing China: the Guangdong model’, The Economist, 24 November 2011, at:

Page 31, the Maoist-style campaigns in Chongqing drew especially intensive media interest; see, for example, ‘Bo Xilai: downfall of a neo-Maoist party boss who got things done’, 30 March 2012, The Guardian, at:; and, ‘Bo Xilai’, Times Topics, The New York Times, various dates, at:

Page 32, documentation of the national policy for low-cost housing appears in ‘Announcement of audit investigation findings of government investment in subsidized housing in 19 provinces and cities from 2007 to 2009’, National Audit Office of the People’s Republic of China, at: On hukou reform in Chengdu, for example, see: ‘Central Government Investigates Chengdu’s hukou Reform’, The Economic Observer, 9 December 2010, at:

Page 34, an account of Bo Xilai’s commitment to urban landscaping appears in ‘Chongqing’s Breath of Fresh Air’, China Daily, 8 May 2011, available at:…/content_12465019.htm.

Page 36, on the extreme economy in gingko trees, see ‘Gingko Fever in Chongqing’, The Atlantic, 13 May 2011, at:…/gingko…in-chongqing…/238885/.

Page 38, on the new transcontinental rail line, see ‘Rail Linking Europe Expected to Open up China’s Less-developed West’, Xinhua, 2 July 2011, at:

Page 40, The story was reported widely in the international press. See for example William Foreman, ‘Red roof invade Chinese City angering residents’, The Guardian 21 May 2010, at:

Page 42, like other Chinese large cities Guangzhou is a hub of the campaign to promote ‘civilization’ (wenming). For information about the nature and contents of the campaign in the city, see the official ‘Civilized Guangzhou’ website at:

Page 43, the website for the Canton Tower is:

Page 43, see, for example, Numerous communities also reported spontaneous planting activities in 2011 and 2012. An old Kapok said to be 327 years old can be found at the North Gate of the Sun Yat-sen Memorial.

Page 46, detailed, updated information on the Guangzhou-Shenzhen-Hong Kong Express Rail Link can be found on the Hong Kong MTR website at:

Page 46, The events at Wukan have attracted the attention of the international press. See, for example, ‘A Village in Revolt could be a Harbinger for China’, The second in March 2012 carried the more pessimistic title: ‘Protest’s Success may not Change China’,

Page 47, economic differences between Chongqing and Guangzhou crystallized in 2012 in the ‘cake debate’. See for example, ‘Battle of Men and Ideas for Party’s Future’, The South China Morning Post, 15 February 2012, at; and ‘ “Cake Theory” has Chinese Eating Up Political Debate’, on US National Public Radio, 6 November 2011, at

Page 48, notice of the thirty billion yuan investment appeared in the Chinese media, see ‘Huang qifan: Chongqing Chang’an qichecheng jiang zhu 3000 yi chanyelian’ (Huang Qifan: Chongqing Chang’an automobile city will build a thirty billion yuan supply chain), Caixin, 16 March 2012, at On the transformation of the Chongqing Urban Planning Exhibition Hall, see ‘China, in old tradition, races to airbrush fallen leader out of public life’, The New York Times, 5 May 2012, at


Cross-straits Relations, pp.53-60

Page 53, see Apple Daily, at:; and, United Daily News

Page 54, see the Tourism Bureau, Ministry of Transportation and Communication, Republic of China, at:

Page 56-57, for statements of policy from either side, see ‘The Guomindang of China’s Current Policy Toward the Mainland (July 12, 1988)’, Chinese Law and Government, vol.35, no.3 (2002): 53–56; and, ‘The One China Principle and the Taiwan Issue. Taiwan Affairs Office of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China. February 21, 2000’, Chinese Journal of International Law, vol.2 no.2 (2003).
Page 59, for details of KMT policy pronouncements, see:

Page 59, details of the Economic Framework Cooperation Agreement are available from the Mainland Affairs Council, online at:

Page 59, see, for example, the text written by President Ma Ying-jeou, presented by KMT Honorary Chairman Wu Poh-hsiung to Chinese Communist Party Chairman Hu Jintao in 2010, ‘Zhengshi xianshi, leiji huxin, qiutong cunyi, zengchuang shuangying’ (Looking into realities, overcoming differences and seeking common ground, accumulating mutual trust and further creating win-win situations’, Central Daily News, at:


Chapter 3: The Ideology of Law and Order, pp.61-64

Page 66, on the politico-legal system and Zhou Yongkang’s 2012 fall from grace see: ‘Dim Prospects for Political-legal Reform in China’, at:

Page 73, for an English translation of He Weifang’s open letter to colleagues in Chongqing, see:

Page 73, on corruption in Chongqing and the anti-organised crime campaign, see: ‘Show Them the Money, Old China’, Sydney Morning Herald, 25 March 2011, at:; and, ‘Chinese Lawyer Jailed for Defence of Alleged Mafia Boss’, The Guardian, 8 January 2010, at:

Page 75, on problems relating to mass incidents in the early part of the decade, see: Thomas Lum, ‘Social Unrest in China’, at

Page 79, on post-Wukan mass incidents, see: ‘Beijing Plays Up the Carrot While Still Wielding the Stick’, at


Chapter 4: Uncertain Numbers, Uncertain Outcomes, pp.65-84

Page 87: The author would like to offer special thanks to Professor Zhongwei Zhao for being so generous with his demographic data and knowledge, without which this paper could not have been written. Any related errors in reference to this information are of course my own.

Page 88, the quotation comes from ‘Chinese Premier Wen Delivers Keynote Speech in Opening Ceremony of 2011 Summer Davos Forum’,

Page 88, Luxembourg’s per capita GDP in 2010 was US$108,952, fifty-five times, while Guizhou’s was US$1,953. If Guizhou was a country, it would have ranked 128th globally in a country-wide ranking. National and EU data from the IMF’s World Economic Outlook Database-September 2011, accessed online at Guizhou’s per capita GDP from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), accessed online at

Page 89, see Zhongwei Zhao and Chen Wei, ‘China’s far below replacement fertility and its long-term impact: Comments on the preliminary results of the 2010 Census’, Demographic Research, vol.25, article 26 (2011): 819-36.

Page 90, the United Nations data is drawn from United Nations World Population Prospects (2010 Revision) published in May 2011 and available online at The ‘official data’ presented above are based on one of many population scenarios provided to the central government by demographer Guo Zhigang of Peking University, although why and how they eventually settled on these particular numbers remains unclear, even to Guo Zhigang himself.

Page 90, the quotation comes from Zhongwei Zhao, ‘Reflections on China’s Recent Population Statistics and Current Demography Situation’, Chinese Cross Currents, July (2011): 54.

Page 92, concerning aging and the middle-income trap, see Fang Cai, ‘The coming demographic impact on China’s growth: the age factor in the middle-income trap’, Asian Economic Papers Winter/Spring 11(1) (2012): 95-111; ‘Renkou bianhuade jingji hanyi’ (The economic implications of demographic change),; and, ‘Zhongguo ruhe mai guo “zhongdeng shouru xianjing” ’ (How can China avoid the ‘middle-income trap’”,

Page 92, see Jane Golley and Rod Tyers, ‘Demographic Dividends, Dependencies and Economic Growth in China and India’, forthcoming in Asian Economic Papers Summer/Fall vol.11 no.2 (2012).

Page 93, see China Economic Journal, vol.3 no.2 (2010); and,

Page 94, the discussion on surplus labour draws on Jane Golley and Meng Xin, ‘Has China Run Out of Surplus Labour?’, China Economic Review, vol.22 (2011): 555-572. The population figures in the second paragraph are from Zhongwei Zhao, ‘Reflections on China’s recent population statistics and current demography situation’, in Chinese Cross Currents, July (2011): 44-57.

Page 95, the estimate for China’s sex ratio at birth is from Wei Xing Zhu, Li Lu and Therese Hesketh, ‘China’s excess males, sex selective abortion, and one child policy: analysis of data from 2005 national intercensus survey’, BMJ (2009), p.338 b1211. For estimates of China’s missing women, see this and also Erwin Bulte, Nico Heerink and Xiaobo Zhang, ‘China’s One-Child Policy and the mystery of missing women: ethnic minorities and male-biased sex ratios’, Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics, vol.73 no.1 (2011): 21-39.

Page 95, see Qingyuan Du and Shang-jin Wei, ‘A Sexually Unbalanced Model of Current Account Imbalances’, NBER Working Paper16000,2010; Shang-jin Wei and Xiaobo Zhang, ‘The Competitive Saving Motive: evidence from rising sex ratios and saving rates in China’, Journal of Political Economy, vol.119 no.3 (2011): 511-564; and Shang-Jin Wei and Xiaobo Zhang, ‘Sex Ratios, Entrepreneurship and Economic Growth in the People’s Republic of China’, NBER Working Paper 16800, 2011.

Page 96, the quotation comes from William Overholt, ‘China in the Global Financial Crisis: rising influence, rising challenges’, Washington Quarterly January (2010): 21.

Page 98, see Dani Rodrik, ‘Don’t Expect China to Save the World’, Financial Times, 23 August 2011, – axzz1dpnj2mVN.

Page 100, The quotation by Nouriel Roubini comes from ‘Roubini Says “Perfect Storm” May Threaten Global Economy’, Bloomberg, 13 June 2011,

Page 100, see Derek Scissors, ‘China Grows 10 Percent Again: is this believable’, 20 January 2011,

Page 102, on the IMF’s recent warning see ‘Monetary Fund Urges China to Ease State Controls on Banking’, The New York Times, 15 November 2011,

Page 102, the discussion on public finance and government administration draws on a presentation given by Christine Wong, ‘Reforming Public Finance for the Harmonious Society in China: How far across the River?’, at The Australian National University, Canberra on 1 August 2011. It seems that what was RMB10 trillion of ‘hidden’ local government debt when Scissors was writing in early 2010 became actual debt by mid 2011.

Page 104, see Xiaolu Wang and Wing Thye Woo, ‘The Size and Distribution of Hidden Household Income in China’, Asian Economic Papers, vol.10 (2011): 1-30.


Chapter 5: Discontent in Digital China, pp.119-142

Page 122, Regarding the online organization of the ‘Jasmine Movement’, see:

Page 122, bottom of the page The National People’s Congress is China’s highest organ of state power. It is often called the ‘rubber-stamp’ by Western commentators because of its close alignment with the interests of the Communist Party leadership.

Page 123, The quotation comes from ‘Open Letter to the National People’s Congress from the Organizers of the Chinese Jasmine Rallies’ of which a complete English translation, provided by Human Rights in China, appears in Bruce Sterling, ‘Demands of the Chinese Jasmine Movement’ at There is a discrepancy between this widely quoted English translation and the Chinese version of the letter. The latter is addressed to ‘the entire Chinese nation’ (not the National People’s Congress). See: ‘Zhongguo molihua jihui zuzhizhe zhi quanguo renmin gongkai xin’, 22 February 2011,

Page 124, On the banning of the word ‘jasmine’ and sales of the jasmine plant, see Andrew Jacobs and Jonathan Ansfield, ‘Catching Scent of Revolution, China Moves to Snip Jasmine’, The New York Times, 10 May 2011, at:

Page 124, On the concert held at the Heng County jasmine festival, see ‘2011 nian Zhongguo guoji molihua yinyuejie jingcai shangyan’ (Great Performances at China’s 2011 International Jasmine Festival Concert), Renmin wang, 17 August 2011, at:

Page 125, Peter Ford, ‘The Rise of an Economic Superpower: what does China want?’, The Christian Monitor, 5 November 2011,

Pages 127-128, Jiang Shangyu, ‘China is Not the Middle East’, Renmin ribao (overseas edition) 10 March 2011, The English version of this article is archived at: Editorials appearing in People’s Daily reflect the view of China’s Party leadership on any given topic.

Page 129, Ran Yunfei, ‘Guonei weibo shi nalai zhenwangde’ (China’s microblogs are meant for slaughter), Zongjian Zhongguo (China in Perspective), 19 March 2010.

Page 129, Jonathan Keats, Virtual Words: Language on the Edge of Science and Technology, New York: Oxford University Press, 2010, p.70.

Page 129, bottom of the page: The BBC’s estimate of the size of China’s Internet police force appears in Mary Hennock, ‘The Cost of China’s Web Censors’, BBC News, 23 September 2002,

Page 130, quoted number of Guangdong’s Internet police force by He Guangping appears in ‘Fazhi Guangdong wu nian jihua: 2015 nian yao chubu jiancheng fazhi sheng’ (Five-year plan for rule by law in Guangdong: initial steps toward building a province managed by law in 2015), Nanfang ribao (Southern Daily), 8 January 2011,

Page 130, quoted number of Internet commentators comes from David Bandurski, ‘China’s Guerrilla War for the Web’, Far Eastern Economic Review, July 2008, at

Page 130, on the alleged deceptions of ‘Fifty-cent’ propagandists on Twitter, see

Page 131, description of the incident and quotations come from Zhang Dongfeng, ‘Daxue yanjiang bei wang you reng yishen “wu mao”: Wu Hao cheng dangcheng biance’ (‘Fifty cent’ notes thrown during a public lecture: Wu Hao calls it a spur to action), Nanfang dushi bao (Southern Metropolis Daily), 23 April 2010,

Page 132, see Geremie R. Barmé, ‘The Children of Yan’an: New Words of Warning to a Prosperous Age’, China Heritage Quarterly, No. 26 (June 2011) at

Page 133, Google’s statement of 12 January 2010 is archived at the company’s official blog at:

Page 134, Hillary Clinton’s speech is archived at the US Department of State website at:

Page 134, Wang Xiaoyang, ‘Qiekan Meiguode xinxi ziyou’ (Take a look at America’s freedom of information), Renmin wang (People’s Daily online), 23 January 2010, archived at

Page 135, Deng Xinxin, ‘Guge gongsi yinggai fansi zijide xingyan, xiang Zhongguo daoqian!’ (Google should reflect on its conduct and apologize to China!), Renmin wang (People’s Daily online),

Page 135, bottom of the page: results of the NetEast poll are archived at

Page 136, Zhang Xiyuan, ‘Google, what do you want?’(in English and Chinese), People’s Daily Online, 10 June 2011, at

Page 136, details about Han Han’s popularity are from Simon Elegant, ‘Han Han: China’s Literary Bad Boy’, Time, 2 November 2009:,9171,1931619,00.html.

Pages 136-137, Han Han’s comments about Google were first published in Chinese as ‘Duiyu Guge tuichu Zhongguo, ni you shenme yao shuo?’ (What do you want to say about Google’s exit from China?). They are archived, with an English translation, at Danwei, 30 March 2010,

Page 137, CNNIC figures for 2010 are archived at

Page 137, Evan Osnos, ‘The Han Dynasty: how far can a youth-culture idol tweak China’s establishment?’ The New Yorker, 4 July 2011,

Pages 138-139, this analysis of Chinese media reports on Liu Xiaobo is based on the findings of Danwei for the CIW-Danwei The China Story Archive.

Page 139, the message posted by rights activists in Guizhou is quoted in Wang Yanming, ‘Liu Xiaobo huojiang zhihou de xingshi yu xuanze’ (The situation and the choices available after the award of Liu Xiaobo’s prize), 15 October 2010, archived at Human Rights in China,

Page 139-140, information about the ‘My dad is Li Gang case’ can be found at Interviews with the Chen family were suppressed in the mainland media but a video interview titled ‘This is reality’ was filmed by a team working for the artist and rights activist Ai Weiwei. According to Danwei, the video has been repeatedly deleted and uploaded on the mainland-based Tudou website,

Page 140, on the compensation paid to the two victims, see ‘Hebei “Li Gang men” shijian sizhe jiashu huopei 46 wan’ (‘Li Gang Gate’ in Hebei province sees 460,000 yuan paid as compensation to the victim’s family), Xinwen chenbao, 27 December 2010,; and,

Page 141, Wen Jiabao’s speech was widely reported in the mainland Chinese and international media. See, for instance, Stephen McDonnell, ‘Wen Jiabao apologises for mistakes and flags reform’, ABC PM, 14 March 2012,

Page 141, the People’s Daily editorial of 11 April 2012 was translated into and published in English under the title, ‘Firmly support correct decision of CPC Central Committee’, Xinhua, 11 April 2012,


Chapter 6: Searching for a Sage Today, pp.145-161

Page 146, on the bronze Confucius statue, see ‘Kongzi “zoujin” Tiananmen guangcheng’ (Confucius enters Tiananmen Square), Renmin wang, 14 January 2011,

Page 146, the quotations come from ‘Confucius Stands Tall near Tiananmen’,
Renmin wang, 13 January 2011,

Page 146, on the People’s Daily online poll, see: ‘Rectification of Statues’, The Economist, 20 January 2011, For another account that says seventy percent of 220,000 people surveyed, see: ‘Dispute over Confucius Statue’, Beijing Review, 2 March 2011,

Page 147, on the idea of a Chinese Confucian Party, see Daniel A. Bell, ‘The Chinese Confucian Party?’, The Globe and Mail, 19 February 2010,, and also Jiang Qing and Daniel A. Bell, ‘A Confucian Constitution for China’, The New York Times, 10 July 2012, at:

Page 152, on the language policies of Confucius Institutes, see Michael Churchman, ‘Confucius Institute and Controlling Chinese Languages’, China Heritage Quarterly, no. 26 (June 2011)

Page 152, on the Confucius Peace Prize, see ‘Confucius Peace Price Could be Battle of Ideas’, The Global Times, 17 November 2010,

Page 153, on Lien Chan’s refusal to accept the prize, see ‘Lien Office Denies Hearing of Award’, Taipei Times, 9 December 2010,

Page 153, on its cancellation, see ‘Confusion as Confucius Prize Scrapped’, The Telegraph, 29 September 2011,, ‘Ministry Halts Other Confucius Peace Prize’, Renmin wang, 8 October 2011,

Page 153, for the awarding of the second prize to Vladimir Putin, see: ‘For Putin, a Peace Prize for a Decision to go to War’, The New York Times, 15 November 2011, There is, in fact, another international prize named for Confucius: the UNESCO Confucius Prize for Literacy founded in 2005 with the support of the PRC government.

Page 154-155, for the original of Yu Dan’s statement, see:

Page 155, on the Nishan Forum, see: ‘Remarks by Mr Xu Jialu’,

Page 155, on the ‘Declaration of Harmony’, see:

Page 156, for the Hengshan Declaration, see:

Page 156, on the world record for reading aloud simultaneously, see:

Page 156, on seeking a harmonious society through the Tao, see: ‘International Daodejing Forum Kicks Off’, CRI News,

Page 159, on the Xiao Chuanguo case, see: ‘Xiao Chuanguo vs. Fang Zhouzi: A Chronology’, China’s Scientific and Academic Integrity Watch, 27 September 2010,

Page 159, for Xiao’s quote, see: ‘Xiao Chuanguo: In His Own Words’,

Page 159, on falsification, corruption, and pseudoscience, see: ‘Exposed Fraud Cases’,

Page 160, the quotation concerning Shaolong Guan comes from Livia Kohn, Chinese Healing Exercises: The Tradition of Daoyin, Honolulu: Hawai’i University Press, 2008, pp.211-212.


Chapter 8, Voices from the Blogosphere I, pp.193-220

Political trust, not something to be taken with a grain of salt…
URL of original post:

The Sino-Japanese Relationship: (apologies to Facebook) It’s Complicated
URL of original post:

Two-year-old female child ran over by car, eighteen passers-by ignore her
URL of original post:

Guo Meimei Red Cross Controversy Pissing Off Chinese Netizens
URL of original post:

The Story of W&L: China’s Great Internet Divide
URL of original post:

When Rape is Not Rape
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Chinese Government: ‘Internet Rumours Are Like Drugs…Attack Creators And Spreaders…Head-On’
URL of original post:


From Victory to Victory, pp.223-231

Seduced by the West
‘Meiti rezhong fumian baodao shi shou Xifang guannina guhuo’ (Media Enthusiasm for Negative Reporting is the Result of Western Seduction), Beijing Daily, 19 May 2012, online at:

The Reasons for China’s ‘Glorious Decade’
Chinese original:


Chapter 9, Voices from the Blogosphere II, pp.233-256

Reading Culture in the People’s Daily
URL of original post:

Digital Rants from Ai Weiwei
Lee Ambrozy, editor of Ai Weiwei’s Blog: Writings, Interviews, and Digital Rants, 2006-2009, Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2011.

The Global Times and Ai Weiwei
URL of original postings:

The Last Word: The Derailed Country


Chapter 10: Red Eclipse, pp.262-281

Page 262, ‘Great renaissance of the Chinese nation’, see, for example, such accounts as: ‘“Sange daibiao” yu Zhonghua minzu weidade fuxing’, 8 February 2002, (consulted on 11 May 2012); and ‘Zhengque lijie Zhonghua minzude weida fuxing’, 27 January 2007, (consulted on 11 May 2012). Hu Jintao used the expression ‘Chinese national revival’ (Zhonghua minzu fuxing) no fewer than twenty-three times during his 9 October 2011 speech to commemorate the centenary of the Xinhai Revolution. See ‘Hu Jintao 23 ci ti Zhonghua minzu fuxing, minzu fuxing bixu zhaodao zhengque daolu’, in Nanfang ribao, 10 October 2011, (consulted on 11 May 2012). For a recent comment on various aspects of this narrative as generated in China and internationally, see William A. Callahan, ‘Sino-speak: Chinese Exceptionalism and the Politics of History’, The Journal of Asian Studies, vol.71 no.1 (February 2012): 1-23; and, Mark Elliott, ‘The Historical Vision of the Prosperous Age (shengshi 盛世)’, China Heritage Quarterly, Issue 29 (March 2012) at:

Pages 262 & 265, ‘The Founding of a Republic’ (2009 film), see Sebastian Veg, ‘Propaganda and Pastiche: Visions of Mao in Founding of a Republic, Beginning of the Great Revival, and Let the Bullets Fly’, in ‘Mao Today: A Political Icon for an Age of Prosperity’, China Perspectives, no. 2 (2012).

Page 266, A Two-track Story, see Geremie R. Barmé, ‘Australia and China in the World: Whose Literacy?’, Australian Centre on China in the World Inaugural Annual Lecture, 15 July 2011. Full text available online, at

Page 267, Ai Weiwei on himself, Bo Xilai and Chen Guangcheng, see Ai Weiwei, ‘Ai Weiwei: to live your life in fear is worse than losing your freedom’, The Guardian, 21 June 2012, at

Pages 268-273, The wheel of history, Mao Zedong and the Children of Yan’an, see Hu Muying’s speech, see The Children of Yan’an website is at; and, Geremie R. Barmé, ‘The Children of Yan’an: New Words of Warning to a Prosperous Age 盛世新危言’, China Heritage Quarterly, Issue 26 (June 2011), at Groups aligned with the Children of Yan’an are: New Fourth Route Army Research Group 新四军研究会, The Children of Jinggang Shan 井冈山儿女联谊会, The 1 October Classmates Society 十一同学会, The Children of Red Crag 红岩儿女联谊会, The Association of the Western Flower Pavilion 西花厅联谊会, Beijing Eighth Route Army Anti-Japanese Shandong Base Research Society 北京八路军山东抗日根据地研究会, Transmitters of the Taiyue Mountains Tradition Group 太岳精神传承会, Children of the War of Resistance University 抗联儿女联谊会, Mid-Hebei Research Group 冀中研究会, The Children of the West Route Army Group (preparatory committee) 西路军儿女联谊会筹备组, Nation Founding Marshalls Choral Society 开国元勋合唱团, Beijing 1 October Classmates Club 北京十一同学会, 101 Middle School Club 101 中同学会, Yucai Middle School Club 育才同学会, 1 August Classmates Club 八一同学会, North China Primary School Club 华北小学同学会, and the Yuying School Club 育英学校同学会. All of them boast complex backgrounds, affiliations, and party-state-army connections.

Pages 273-276, The Red Chorus, see ‘Mao Today: A Political Icon for an Age of Prosperity’, China Perspectives, no.2 (2012) at The relevant essays in this issue are: Sebastian Veg, ‘Editorial’; Willy Lam Wo-lap, ‘The Maoist Revival and the Conservative Turn in Chinese Politics’; Arif Dirlik, ‘Mao Zedong in Contemporary Chinese Official Discourse and History’; Geremie R. Barmé, ‘Red Allure and the Crimson Blindfold’; and Sebastian Veg, ‘Propaganda and Pastiche: Visions of Mao in Founding of a Republic, Beginning of the Great Revival, and Let the Bullets Fly’. See also Qiang Zhai, ‘1959: Preventing Peaceful Evolution’, China Heritage Quarterly, Issue 18 (June 2009), at; and Barmé, ‘The Harmonious Evolution of Information in China’, China Heritage Quarterly, Issue 21 (March 2010), at

Page 275, ‘Without the Communist Party, There Would Be No New China’, see a version from the 1964 song-and-dance epic ‘The East is Red’ (Dongfang hong) Act 6 Scene 3, online at

Page 280, Xu Jilin on ‘statism’, see Xu Jilin, ‘Jin shinian lai Zhongguo guojiazhuyi sichaozhi pipan’ (A critique of statist thinking in China in the last ten years), posted on 6 July 2011, online at: